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                <text>Ich möchte einführend einige Gedanken zur An-ikonizität (also nicht-Bildlichkeit) formulieren. In seiner Betrachtung sogenannter an-ikonischer Gesellschaften, also Gesellschaften die keine Bilder von Menschen, Tieren oder Gottheiten produzierten, weist Fritz Kramer darauf hin, dass der Umstand des Nicht-Vorhandenseins von Bildern oder Skulpturen nicht auf technisches Unvermögen hinweist (2001: 17). Im Bezug auf die Herero Gesellschaft in Namibia kann nicht von kompletter Nicht-Bildlichkeit gesprochen werden. Tatsächlich geschah die Aneignung der Photographie bereits im 19. Jhd; es wurden Portraits der gesellschaftlichen Elite hergestellt (siehe Silvester 1998 und Wallace 1998). Wir haben es auch nicht mit einer Gesellschaft zu tun, die sich einem Bilderverbot gebeugt hätte. Tatsächlich erscheint die Abwesenheit von Bildern – also beispielsweise traditioneller Skulptur oder Malerei - nur aus westlicher Sicht als Mangel. Dabei wird eine an materiellen Objekten orientierte Erinnerungskultur als Norm konstituiert, von der aus nicht an materielle Objekte gekoppeltes Erinnern als lückenhaft begriffen wird. Nichtsichtbare, immaterielle, kulturelle Produktionen, wie omitandu, also oral überlieferte Texte, die als ausserpersönliche Referenzpunkte und Plattformen des kollektiven Erinnerns operieren, werden dementsprechend oftmals übersehen, oder besser, aufgrund ihrer nicht-Sichtbarkeit, wie in diesem Falle, nicht wahrgenommen. Eine die Vergangenheit interpretierende, charakterisierende, diskursive und eben auch konservierende (erinnernde) Aneignung der Welt ist aber keineswegs notwendigerweise visuell. Anstelle des Abbildens oder Aneignens durch Bilder steht hier die kulturelle Aneignung der Welt durch Rede, performance und Dichtkunst, die bis heute nicht vollständig durch Bildmedien oder geschriebene Texte ersetzt wurde. BAB Working Paper 2006:05 Presented at the Basler Afrika Bibliographien 13 June 2006.</text>
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                <text>"Die Fotografin und promovierte Zoologin Dr. Lieselotte Schulze (1917–2011) erhielt 1951/1952 von Anneliese Scherz (1900–1985) die Einladung, das Fotografen- und Forscherehepaar Scherz in Windhoek zu besuchen. Fünf Jahre sollten vergehen, bevor Schulze der Einladung folgen konnte: Ihr Fotoatelier, welches Schulze 1951 in Freiburg i.B. eröffnet hatte, brachte nicht die erhofften Einnahmen. Aus finanziellen Gründen sah sie sich Mitte der 1950er Jahre gezwungen, ihr Geschäft zu verkaufen. Seither arbeitete sie als Angestellte in einem Fotostudio. Dank der finanziellen Unterstützung ihrer Mutter, die sah, wie schlecht es ihrer Tochter im Angestelltenverhältnis ging, entschloss sich Schulze 1957, die Fahrt nach Namibia endlich anzutreten. Diese Reise sollte ihr Leben verändern: Über den internationalen Bekanntenkreis des Ehepaars Scherz lernte sie die wissenschaftlichen Mitarbeitenden des Transvaal Museums in Pretoria kennen, zu denen auch ihr zukünftiger Ehemann, der Ornithologe O.P.M. Prozesky, zählen sollte. Der Kurator der Coleoptera Collection1 des Transvaal Museums, Dr. Charles Koch, bot ihr kurzerhand eine Stelle als Entomologin an, die sie bereitwillig annahm. Um ihre Angelegenheiten zu klären und das Fotoatelier zu verkauften, reiste sie noch einmal nach Freiburg zurück. Ab Oktober 1958 lebte sie bis zu ihrem Tod im Jahr 2011 in Südafrika."</text>
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                <text>"Im Rahmen eines Praktikums bei den Basler Afrika Bibliographien (BAB) habe ich mich mit Korrespondenzakten des Ehepaars Anneliese und Ernst Rudolf Scherz aus Windhoek (Namibia) befasst. Ein grosser Teil des schriftlichen (und fotografischen) Nachlasses des für die namibische Felsbildforschung bedeutsamen Ehepaares wurde nach dem Tod von Ernst Rudolf Scherz (1981) den BAB übergeben und wird seitdem als Personenarchiv PA.4 geführt. Die hier vorgestellten Akten wurden jedoch von Anneliese Scherz der namibischen Archäologin Béatrice Sandelowski (Windhoek) anvertraut, die sie Ende der 1990er Jahre den BAB schenkte. Der Bestand war ursprünglich auf drei Akten aufgeteilt, die vermutlich vom Ehepaar Scherz selbst in diese Ordnung gebracht wurden. Der erste Teil ist mit «Korrespondenz  Schwabedissen» betitelt, und befasst sich inhaltlich mit einem von der Universität Köln zusammen mit Ernst Rudolf Scherz durchgeführten Projekt zur Erfassung von Felsbildern in Namibia. Er besteht hauptsächlich aus dem Briefwechsel zwischen Scherz und Hermann Schwabedissen, Professor für Ur- und Frühgeschichte an der Universität Köln. Die anderen zwei Akten enthalten alphabetisch geordnete Korrespondenz von A bis G, vor allem von Ernst Rudolf Scherz. Der Verbleib des mutmasslich ursprünglich vorhandenen Rests der alphabetisch archivierten Korrespondenz (H bis Z), ist unbekannt. Fast alle Briefe sind datiert. Die Briefe mit Schwabedissen sind zwischen 1962 und 1969 entstanden, die Korrespondenz im alphabetisch geordneten Teil zwischen 1960 und 1975."</text>
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                <text>"This paper centrally uses the recorded oral interviews of former contract labourers from the Kavango in northeast Namibia, supplemented with archival sources from the National Archives of Namibia (NAN) and written sources to reflect on the experiences of farm labourers under the contract labour system during the South African colonial period. The paper explores journeys to and from the farms, the living and farm work experiences and farm workers’ perception of their experiences under the contract labour system. The aim is to provide a historical basis to extract lessons to understand the current challenges presented by farm labour practices in postcolonial Namibia where the plights of farm workers remains a pertinent and persistent labour issue. The paper points that the paradigm of exploitation, suppression and entrapment under the contract labour system remain dominant in the narratives of former farm labourers. Furthermore, many farm labourers viewed their mistreatment under the contract labour system as colonial exploitation at its worst as the wages were too low. Although many of them extended their contracts in the hope to accumulate more money to improve their social and economic conditions, this remained an everlasting hope and a permanent failure."</text>
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                <text>"In der heutigen Vorlesung möchte ich Sie auf eine etwas andere Reise durch namibische Landschaft nehmen, und ich möchte Ihnen dazu ein paar Dinge ins geistige Gepäck mitgeben: 1) Die anfänglich gezeigte Bilderschau hat verdeutlicht, dass namibische Landschaftsdarstellungen und -wahrnehmungen gegenwärtig wie historisch auf unterschiedlichen Medien basieren: Photographie und Malerei (auf Film kann ich heute nicht eingehen). Hinzu kommen literarische Texte, Reiseberichte, Abenteuerromane, usw. (Sie erinnern sich an meinen Hinweis auf Blixen und van der Post). All diese verschiedenen Medien und Genres tragen zu den realen und imaginären Bildern namibischer Landschaften bei. 2) Weder Malerei, Literatur, noch Photographie sind hermetische, in sich abgeschlossene und voneinander getrennte Medien. Vielmehr haben wir es historisch wie zeitgenössisch mit Intermedialitäten zu tun, also mit der gegenseitigen Durchdringung von Malerei, Photographie und Text. Diese Verflechtung und Verdichtung ist mit Blick auf Landschaft etwas ganz entscheidendes. 3) Die eben gezeigte Bilderschau spiegelt den europäischen (oder westlichen) Blick auf namibische Landschaften. Landschaft ist aber ein Genre und Medium, das in allen Gesellschaften und Kulturen vorkommt; es ist bei weitem kein „europäisches Phänomen“. Obschon ich heute in dieser Vorlesung nicht näher darauf eingehen kann, sind im südlichen Afrika afrikanische Perspektiven, Wahrnehmungen und Darstellungen von Landschaft etwas ganz zentrales, das sich wiederum in unterschiedlichen Medien artikuliert. Dag Henrichsen hat zum Beispiel auf die Bedeutung mündlicher Tradierungen, von Preisliedern und topographischem Wissen hingewiesen, die in Zentralnamibia im 19. Jahrhundert zur Formulierung historisch geschichteter Topologien führen: Narrative also, die Landschaft strukturieren, imaginieren und bei Bedarf sowohl ideologischen wie politischen Visionen zudienen können. 4) In der rezenteren theoretischen Diskussion über Landschaft hat sich eine These des bereits erwähnten Kulturwissenschaftler W.J.T. Mitchell durchgesetzt, dass nämlich Landschaft weniger als Genre zu verstehen, sondern vielmehr als Medium zu betrachten ist, also als ein System kultureller Codes, symbolischer Formen und Zeichen, mittels derer der Mensch seiner Umwelt Bedeutung zuschreibt und mittels derer er diese Bedeutung darzustellen und zu vermitteln sucht. Landschaft, so fasst es Mitchell prägnant zusammen ist also kein Substantiv, keine Sache, sondern ein Verb, etwas das man macht." BAB Working Paper 2014:01 Presented at the Voklshochschule Basel, 13 February 2014</text>
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                <text>The Elephant Shooting: Inconsistencies of Colonial Law and Indirect Rule in Kaoko (North-Western Namibia) in the 1920s and 1930s.</text>
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                <text>This paper is concerned with the emergence and making of a criminal case in Kaoko between 1929 and 19357 and its bearing on the development of colonial native administration in the territory. I first heard of the ‘elephant case’ in interviews I did with residents of Kaoko Otavi and nearby villages in 2001/2002. The elephant shooting and the alleged murder of Petrus Kakuyu had not been an issue in my research in the beginning, but had been actively raised by some of the men I interviewed, as an instance of significant political conflict. Only after recording their accounts, I went to the National Archives in Windhoek to look for archival information on the case and was immediately captured by the amount of documentation the South African administration had produced in the course of their inquiry. What was particular, both with contemporary oral information and with the archival sources, was a strong ambivalence and contradiction, the fragmented and inconsistent nature of knowledge about what had happened and who had been involved in the case. As a matter of fact, the administration’s search for evidence remained unsuccessful and neither the remains of the elephant nor Petrus Kakuyu were ever found. Nevertheless, there was a case, a huge number of witnesses were interrogated and people were prosecuted, charged and sent to prison. Beyond this, the ‘elephant case’ and its aftermath remained an issue of vivid debate among residents of Kaoko Otavi and one of the central tropes in male oral accounts of the region’s past. BAB Working Paper 2006:03 Presented at the History Department Zurich 7 February 2006, and at the National Archives of Namibia, Windhoek 27 Febraury 2006. ISSN 1422-8769</text>
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                  <text>Basler Afrika Bibliographien (BAB) is a centre of documentation and expertise on Namibia and southern Africa, located in Basel, Switzerland. The institution comprises an archive, a specialist library and a publishing house, in addition to offering scholarly, cultural and socio-political events.&#13;
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Its books and documents on Namibia are of international renown, and are known among experts as the most comprehensive documentation outside of Namibia. Among its holdings is a collection of rare books with volumes on Africa going back to the 16th century, a large collection of African posters and extensive historical archives of images, sound recordings, manuscripts and ephemera. Its collections are complemented by scholarly publication activities.</text>
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